TEXT
[1] Until a few weeks ago, the immigrant
transfer center on the tiny Mediterranean
island of Lampedusa/Italy was empty. An
extensive European campaign against
[5] migration from Africa was considered so
effective that the authorities basically shut it
down.
But since the Tunisian government
collapsed in January, spurring unrest across
[10] North Africa, Lampedusa has been bustling.
The Italian police tow in boats full of
desperate immigrants — about 6,000
refugees in the past two months. Young men
in hooded jackets smoke cigarettes and await
[15] transfer to the mainland — a prospect that is
striking fear in many European hearts.
The turmoil in Libya and elsewhere in
the region has toppled or undermined North
African dictators who negotiated a web of
[20] benefits from Europe, including aid and
diplomatic standing, in return for stopping
immigrants seeking to cross the
Mediterranean.
Without the assistance of those leaders,
[25] many in Europe worry that they will face new
waves of illegal immigration not only from
the liberated areas in the north, but from
much of sub-Saharan Africa as well.
The immigrants would arrive at a time
[30] when much of Europe — struggling with high
unemployment and lethargic economies — is
already awash with anti-immigrant
sentiment, and many countries say they are
simply incapable of absorbing poor migrants.
[35] Unable to build the kind of border fence
that the United States has erected to keep
Mexicans at home, countries like Spain and
Italy have spent years forging close
relationships with North African leaders,
[40] persuading them to prevent migrants from
trying to sail the rough seas of the
Mediterranean. In return, Morocco, Tunisia
and particularly Libya sometimes used brutal
tactics to keep immigrants from ever getting
[45] near European shores, human rights activists
say.
Italy‘s agreement with Libya, signed in
2008, was considered especially effective.
Italy pledged $5 billion over 20 years in
[50] exchange for Libya blocking would-be
immigrants from leaving. Almost overnight
immigrants stopped arriving in Lampedusa.
According to the Italian Interior Ministry,
in 2008, more than 36,000 immigrants came
[55] ashore in Italy — not only from North Africa,
but from the Horn of Africa, Niger and
Nigeria. After the treaty, that number
dropped to 9,500 in 2009 and slowed to a
relative trickle in Lampedusa.
[60] Italy‘s arrangement with Libya was
hardly the only one. Spain, too, has over the
years enlisted the help of Morocco and other
African countries in dealing with immigrants.
Experts say it has offered countries
[65] equipment for patrolling shorelines and
economic aid of all sorts — so that
immigrants have fewer reasons to leave and
African governments have more reason to
help.
[70] Spain offered Senegal money to help
repatriate immigrants who were often
returned to the Dakar airport but did not
have the money or the incentive to return to
their villages. At times, the European Union
[75] pays for such projects, too.
The agreements have been effective. In
the past year, control of the African coastline
was so tight that immigrants were turning to
a wholly different route, showing up on the
[80] land border between Greece and Turkey. In
recent weeks, Italian officials have warned of
a "biblical exodus" in which as many as
300,000 could arrive, though many experts
say that number is intended more as a way
[85] to stir up passions domestically than as a
reflection of any clear reality.
Now, the island‘s local population of
6,000 is once again outnumbered by
detained migrants, according to the ministry.
[90] At one point, there were so many immigrants
here that the authorities allowed them to
wander the island freely rather than keep
them locked up. Inside the center on
Wednesday, hundreds of young men, almost
[95] all from Tunisia, were eager to tell visitors
their message: "We want work."
Adapted from: www.nytimes.com march 09,2011
As to the situation faced by most European countries at the moment and their reaction in relation to immigrants, the text mentions
